by Nun Nectaria (McLees)
RTE: father, how did a native Welshman end up as an Orthodox priest in Blaenau Ffestiniog?
Fr. Deiniol: I originate from Anglesey,  an island off the coast of North Wales, and I became Orthodox at the age  of twenty, when I was living and studying in London. I became a monk in  1977, and was ordained a priest in 1979 by Metropolitan Anthony of  Sourouzh, who gave me the task of opening an Orthodox church in North  Wales. At that time, the nearest church was in Liverpool, which was very  far for people from north-west Wales. After ordination I moved a few  miles from where I was living to Blaenau Ffestiniog, where I’ve been for  twenty-six years.
RTE: And what can you tell us about this remote and beautiful town?
Fr. Deiniol: The town of Blaenau  Ffestiniog is a depressed post-industrial town in the middle of the  mountains. It was a very busy town while the slate industry flourished,  one of three or four such areas in north Wales, and in the 19th century,  it employed many thousands of people. Unlike the other slate-mining  areas in north Wales, extraction of the slate in Blaenau Ffestiniog took  place underground. In other locations it was above ground, or at least  in open pits, but here the slate was mined beneath the earth, and the  conditions were terrible. Mines were often full of dust from blasting  the slate, and smoke from the explosives.
The men worked in the dark with candles  on their helmets. They were answerable to the mine’s steward and if they  arrived at work a minute late they were sent home. They worked chained.  A chain was fastened around their upper leg, and they were suspended  from this chain, which was attached to a rod hammered into the slate  face. In other countries, these working conditions are considered penal  conditions, for example, in the old salt mines in Siberia. In the  winter, the slate miners wouldn’t see the light of day. They started  work before dawn and finished after dark.
Nevertheless, there was a sort of  vibrant cultural life in those mining towns, partly due to the fact that  these miners didn’t want bright young men to have to work in the same  conditions. They would save money, for example, and gather pennies and  subscriptions to send bright youngsters to the university. Many young  men from that time owe a lot to their mining families and friends, who  made sure that they didn’t have to go into the mines. In fact, those  miners paid to set up the University of Wales.
In just such a way they built their  nonconformist chapels, of which at one time there were forty-two in our  town which, at its height, had a population of 12,000. Having all of  these sectarian chapels was characteristic of Welsh society at the time.
That was the formative period for  Blaenau Ffestiniog, but we have to realize that because the town is  located very high up in the mountains at the end of a valley, in the  normal course of events, no one would have thought of building a town  there. It came into being only because of the slate mining industry, and  is built in the shape of an inverted horseshoe—so you can be on one  side of the town and look across the valley to the other side.
In addition to valuing culture, many  people, of course, also valued their religious heritage, but as in most  other places in North Wales, this was a very Calvinistic form of  Protestantism. In the South Wales valleys, where coal mining was the  dominant industry, Calvinism didn’t dominate in the same way. This is  something we should return to when we analyze the logistics of what  Orthodox mission involves in a post-Calvinist society.
RTE: When did the slate mining stop?
St. Tanwg’s Church, Llandanwg
Fr. Deiniol: It hasn’t stopped; it  continues, but on a much-reduced scale. People sometimes compare the  North Wales slate-mining areas with the South Wales coal-mining valleys.  If you go to a place called Tylotrstown in the Small Rhondda Valley,  you wonder where does Tylotrstown end and where does the next town,  Ferndale, begin?
These villages run into each other in a  row, whereas in North Wales slate-mining towns were quite separate  communities, particularly Blaenau Ffestiniog, and there is a certain air  of isolation here. Also, of course, after the decline of the industry,  it became a post-industrial town, which means that this town, which  produced an income of millions of pounds from which the local people  never benefited, then became a place of unemployment.
We have all the characteristics of the  postindustrial communities of north-east England that are one hundred  times our size, and the Pennsylvania coal-mining areas in the States:  high degrees of social exclusion, substance abuse, family breakup, the  break-down of social cohesion.
So this is the town I live in, a very  poor town, high levels of unemployment and many people with a sense of  hopelessness. Nevertheless, they wouldn’t think of turning to church,  because the Calvinist legacy is a very negative one. I’m not saying that  everything was bad about the chapels; the Nonconformist tradition  produced a genuine Christian spirituality with a real love of Scripture,  a real love of God, and very fine hymnography, but it had a shadow  side, and this shadow side was Calvinism and its censoriousness, being  very judgmental and placing people in categories. It wasn’t known for  its compassion for the frail and vulnerable, or for those whose lives  took a negative turn.
RTE: Scotland also has many adherents of Calvinism, doesn’t it?
Fr. Deiniol: It does, and Calvinism was  also strong in parts of South Africa, but the form of Calvinism there is  not as extreme as the form that dominated in Wales, where the belief in  ‘Double Predestination’ was adhered to.
RTE: What is ‘Double Predestination’?
Fr. Deiniol: The Calvinist doctrine is  that God has predestined people from before the creation of the world  for redemption. ‘Double Predestination’ is the belief that God has  predetermined and preordained not only who shall go to heaven, but who  shall go to hell. In other words, He has brought some human beings into  existence, having already determined that they shall go to hell for  eternity. They maintain that He has done this in His infinite Wisdom and  that the logical contradiction between that and God’s infinite love is  not for us to question and understand. So, the God of love becomes, in  their theology, a tyrannical and arbitrary monster, whose excesses are  far worse than the worst tyrants of human history, who only tormented  people for a limited period of time. The God of Calvinism creates some  people in order that they should suffer for eternity.
RTE: And this not only severs  any notion of free will, but I imagine that you would have to take care  to appear “good” to prove that you are one of the saved, or is that too  simplistic?
Abandoned church, Llandudno, North Wales.
Fr. Deiniol: No, that’s very accurate.
“How do we know who is saved?”“Oh, by their fruits you shall know them.”
Accordingly, observable behavior becomes  very important, and at a certain stage in the evolution of things, when  conviction and faith are no longer so strongly present, this  preoccupation with appearances becomes a very distinctive characteristic  of these societies. That is certainly what I think happened in Wales.  Also it means that people don’t look at the darker side of themselves,  and don’t encounter their shadow. Darkness is then projected onto other  people, so you have groups that are the scapegoats, the lowest of the  low.
Communities are very hierarchical and  there are people right at the bottom of the pile. In Wales, this  emphasis on behavior also got linked up with the Temperance Movement,  which, much as it may have been needed, divided the society into  two—those who went to the chapel and those who went to the pub, those  who drank and those who didn’t (or at least said they didn’t drink.)
To this very day, many Welsh people who  go to the pub will not visit a church or chapel. The two locations are  thought to be mutually exclusive locations, and those who frequent one  of these places will usually hold the other place and its frequenters in  contempt and think they will not be welcomed there! By now almost  everybody does visit the pub, but the dichotomy persists and it is  almost impossible to persuade people to visit a church. Furthermore,  because every family was a ‘member’ of a Non-conformist chapel or of the  Anglican parish Church, it means that people are still aware of their  family ‘Church allegiance’.
They may still pay an annual fee for  their family seat in a particular chapel, but never attend that chapel  or any other place of worship, other than for baptisms, weddings, and  funerals. However, they will use their ancestral allegiance to a  particular denomination as a reason not to attend any other Church. An  invitation to attend the Orthodox Church will therefore usually be met  with a negative response. Typically, they might say ‘‘my ‘ticket’ (i.e.  membership card which they maintain by payment of the rent for their  seat in the chapel!) is in such and such a chapel.” Yet they may not  have been there for 25 years.
Of course, as you’ve mentioned,  Calvinism undermines any doctrine of free will. In fact they don’t  believe in free will. Free will and predestination are opposing  doctrines. This is perhaps what happens when you eliminate the role of  the Mother of God from your theology, because it was of her own free  will that she said,
“Be it unto me according to Thy will.”
At that point she was free to say, “No.”  The redemption of the human race was in the balance at that moment. She  could have said,
“This is too much, I can’t take this on,”
but instead she said,
“Be it unto me…”
So when you remove the Mother of God,  and the very pivotal nature of her response, then the door is open to do  away with the idea of free will in Christian theology, and the way is  open for Calvinism. The Mother of God is our protection against  Calvinistic doctrine. The Calvinistic doctrine that some are chosen for  heaven, and others for hell, not only makes God seem very arbitrary, but  it undermines any idea that God is the God of love and that our  response to Him is a free and voluntary response.
RTE: In that case, you couldn’t possibly love Him yourself.
Fr. Deiniol: Yes—love is voluntary, not  compulsory. We can only love God if we have free will. We might be  frightened of Him, perhaps, or feel duty towards Him, but without free  will we cannot love Him. Without free will our relationship with Him is  not reciprocal. This attitude has created antipathy, and although people  now don’t go to church, they know something—not theology, but the feel  of Calvinism that permeates their culture. They keep their distance  because they think they know what Christianity is, but it’s often a  negative impression. For this reason, it would be easier to undertake a  mission in Tibet than in a Calvinistic culture.
I imagine it will take a generation or  two for people not only to consciously reject specific Calvinistic  perspectives and teachings, but to rid themselves of its influence on  their mentality. It has left behind a certain fatalism. These chapels  have died very quickly. They are closing at the rate of one a week in  Wales, which is a small country, and it’s as if people are glad to shake  off the whole thing.
RTE: Do you think that after these generations pass, people will be ready to reconsider Christianity?
Fr. Deiniol: Because people free  themselves doesn’t actually mean they will come to church, but that  particular obstacle won’t be there. There will be other obstacles then.  When people begin asking questions about the meaning of life, about the  significance of things, they begin to touch on religious questions, but  in general, people are not asking these questions, and I say this as one  who has taught religious education for fifteen years here in Wales, and  who has lived in this society most of his life.
RTE: Perhaps it’s a recovery period.
Fr.  Deiniol: If it acts as a recovery period that would be very good. Of  course, this is an attempt to provide some sort of diagnosis or  analysis, and I’m not saying that I have answers as to what the strategy  of the Orthodox Church in Wales should be. God does things in His way  and His time, and it would be foolish of me to say,
“This is what we must do.”
RTE: Do you have ideas as to how your parish can participate in that?
Fr. Deiniol: To be honest, although we  are not numerous, many of us have been very actively involved in work in  the community and for the regeneration of Blaenau Ffestiniog from the  inception of our church. Orthodoxy believes not only in life after  death, but in life before death. The quality of people’s lives is  important. We are incarnate beings, not just souls, and we can’t be  happy if we see people hungry or in anguish. We have to be concerned  about people’s situations as a whole, in their totality.
RTE: Yes, and this approach has  other 20th-century precedents. After World War II and the Greek civil  war, there was massive unemployment and many Greeks were depressed and  disillusioned with the Church. Fr. Amphilochius Makris, the well-known  spiritual father of Patmos, said that the words of preachers and  politicians were like throwing turpentine on the fire, and that only  love and works of charity would bring them back to Christ.
Fr. Deiniol: Well, the Gospel actually  says that, doesn’t it? Why should I consider preaching at people to be  the main strategy? Why should they listen to me? For two centuries,  they’ve listened to other preachers who didn’t make them feel good. I  have no mandate from them. They didn’t ask me to come here and preach to  them. On what basis would I assume that these people want to hear what  I’ve got to say? That’s the first thing.
The second thing is that people do not go to church in Wales. I remember asking a young person,
“What would it take to get you to go to church?” He said, “A great deal of courage to actually be seen coming into the building by my friends.”
This is very different from many  countries, even from the States, as I know from my visits there. But we  have to be aware of what things are like in the United Kingdom and what  things are like in Wales. And as I’ve tried to explain in giving this  Calvinistic background, I’m not surprised that people don’t want to come  to church.
This not to say we don’t get any people  coming into church. In fact, we get many visitors and my parishioners  are a mixture of nationalities. For Christmas we were ten nationalities,  and there are also foreign Orthodox students at the universities and  colleges where I am chaplain. We conduct our services in a number of  languages, according to the need on any particular Sunday. We’ve been  very fortunate in the support we receive from our hierarch, Bishop  Andriy of Western Europe, who is a member of the Synod of Bishops of the  Ukrainian Church of the Diaspora, within the Ecumenical Patriarchate.
We are officially called The Wales  Orthodox Mission, of which I am the administrator. In fact, the term  “mission” is not used very much in the U.K. by the Orthodox Church, but I  think it is very important to state what we are. We are not a  chaplaincy looking after a separate ethnic minority, nor are we a  well-established church full of people who have become Orthodox  (although there are increasing numbers). We are a mission. And I think  that any church in Wales, whether Orthodox, Catholic, Anglican or  anything else, should at this point call themselves a mission, because  that is the nature of the situation.
The Wales Orthodox Mission is the  contact point between the Orthodox Church and Welsh institutions. If  Welsh organizations wish to be in touch with the Orthodox Church, they  contact us, and we get many groups visiting us from churches and  societies. I’m often asked to give talks and if subjects such as Eastern  Europe or certain theological or social issues are being discussed on  the radio or TV, they sometimes ask me for an interview on these topics  as well. So our church is present and active, but I hope in a way that  corresponds to the needs, realities, and possibilities that exist at  this stage in Welsh cultural history.
RTE: We were told that you were invited to lead a prayer at the opening of your national parliament, the Welsh Assembly.
Fr. Deiniol blessing St. Engan's well, Llanengan
Fr. Deiniol: This is quite an  interesting history. Wales lost its independence in government 700 years  ago, and approximately six years ago, we received our own government  again, not completely independent, but with certain powers. There was an  ecumenical service to celebrate the opening of the Welsh Assembly  Government, which took place at the Anglican cathedral in Llandaff,  Cardiff. The Orthodox Church, amongst other churches, was invited to  make a contribution to the format of the service. I prepared two  prayers. Each prayer had a response, and as the response I included,
“All you saints of Wales, pray to God for us.”
The ecumenical organizers came back and  said that they didn’t think this was acceptable. (Invocation of the  saints, of course, had been outlawed during the Protestant period.) My  response was,
“If you invite an Orthodox priest, you get an Orthodox response and an Orthodox contribution. If this is not acceptable, why do you ask us in the first place?”
At that point I felt that the ghost of  Thomas Cromwell was striding rampantly through Wales. Thomas Cromwell  was Henry VIII’s henchman and operator who closed all the monasteries  throughout Britain, wrecked the shrines and relics, and destroyed the  altars. I thought, “Well, they are still unwilling to invoke the  saints,” and was about to write a fax that evening to say words to this  effect, but at the moment I was about to send this letter, another fax  arrived saying that the prayer was alright. So this prayer was used and  the response was used.
Now the interesting part is this. on  that occasion, the Queen of England, her husband the Duke of Edinburgh,  and her son, Charles, Prince of Wales, were all present at the service.  Normally, for security reasons, the three do not travel or appear  together. So when that prayer was said, and the whole congregation  responded,
“O, all you saints of Wales, pray to God for us!”,
this was the first time such a phrase  had been used in that cathedral since the Reformation—with the successor  of Henry VIII, the king who had originally made such an invocation  illegal, present and taking part in the service. That was not an  insignificant event, I think.
RTE: Wonderful. Can we go back some centuries and talk about how Wales, as we know it now, came into being?
Fr. Deiniol: The process was  complicated. We first had the Celtic-speaking native British, who were  pushed west as the invading Angles, Saxons, and Jutes gained ascendancy.  In some places the original population of Britons probably mixed with  them, in other places not. In Strathclyde, now in Scotland, for example,  the Welsh language was spoken until the twelfth century, and the first  Welsh poetry is found in Catterick in northern Yorkshire in England.  Even to this day, when we speak in Welsh of the “old North,” we mean the  area around Strathclyde.
At a certain point, various of these  invading tribes developed kingdoms, such as in Mercia, where a wall was  built separating the Brythonic-speaking Britons who had gone west, from  the conquering tribes. In about the 7th century, the word “Welsh” began  to be used by the English Anglo-Saxons, meaning “foreigners,” and the  Welsh called themselves Cymry, which means “the brethren” or  “compatriots.” We cannot speak of a separate England, Wales, and  Scotland until that point.
So, the original Brythonic-speaking  people in the old North, in Devon, Cornwall, and Wales, were now  physically separated from one another. The Welsh language was eventually  lost from the “old North,” and so it is no longer possible to identify  the descendants of the ancient Britons who lived there. The Scots are  not their descendants, but descendants of Irish migrants who settled  there. That is why Scottish and Irish Gaelic are almost the same  language. The Cornish language died in the 18th century. The only  descendants of the ancient Britons who can still be identified are the  people of Wales, and this is because we have preserved our ancient  language. What we now call “the Welsh” is the identifiable remnant of  the original people of the British Isles.
RTE: We tend to think of centers  of early Romano-British Christianity as being near such places as York.  When the Romans pulled out in the fifth century, did Wales also have a  fully-established hierarchical church?
Fr. Deiniol: of course. They say that  Bangor-in-Arfon in North West Wales was a diocese in the sense that we  use the word now, as a territorial area from the sixth century. Bede  talks about a monastery in Bangor-on-Dee (another Bangor) with 2,000  monks. Certainly, there were Celtic bishops as well.
Of course, we can’t speak about “The  Celtic Church,” as if it was an organized entity that incorporated what  we now call Brittany, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland into an identifiable  independent body. It was part of the worldwide Church. It was  catholic—but not in the contemporary sense of “Roman Catholic”—in faith  and doctrine. There was coming and going, and there was much interest on  the Continent about what was happening in Britain. Many writers speak  of early Christianity here, and early fathers of the Church mention it  as well—origen, Lactantius, Tertullian, Eusebius.
They knew of the Christian Church in  Britain, and monks used to travel to the East from the Celtic-speaking  lands on pilgrimage. There was evangelization along the trade routes,  and our monks certainly went to see monastic life in Egypt, the Holy  Land, Rome, and Constantinople. Monasticism here seemed to resemble more  the Lavra system than the classical coenobitic monasteries that evolved  in the West. There is also a tradition that the Celtic bishops St.  David, St. Teilo, and St. Padarn were all consecrated by the patriarch  of Jerusalem. According to tradition, one was given a sakkos, the  bishop’s vestment, another, a portable altar, and the third, a bishop’s  staff.
So there were connections with the East,  but we don’t have to show a connection with the East to prove that this  church of the Celts was Catholic and Orthodox in faith and doctrine.  Yes, they had their local customs, such as shaving their head in a  certain way for the monastic tonsure, as we find local customs today in  various local Orthodox churches. And, as within Orthodoxy today, they  had different calendars. After the Synod of Whitby, when the Church of  the Celtic peoples adapted its local customs to conform to those of  Rome, it came under Canterbury and thereby under Rome. So when the Great  Schism came about, it was part of the patriarchate of the West, and  went with the western Churches. Canterbury remained the primatial see of  Britain.
RTE: How did the 11th-century Norman invasion affect Christian Wales?
Fr. Deiniol: In Wales, the Normans  established many monasteries. In fact, all the big abbeys were  established by them. The most significant thing about this was that,  while previously the monasteries had followed the Orthodox tradition of  being independent and generally self-ruling, now each monastery had to  belong to one of the Western religious orders. The Welsh often chose the  Augustinians, as being perhaps the nearest to the way of life they were  accustomed to. There were also many Cistercian foundations in Wales,  such as the monastery in Strata Florida. This is where the history of  Wales, called “The Chronicles of the Princes,” in Welsh,  Brut-y-Tywysogion, was written. The history of Wales begins with the  death of St. Cadwaladr, the last Briton—i.e. Celt, to be king of Britain  before the Saxons obtained the crown. He is the patron saint of The  Wales Orthodox Mission. He was known for his compassion,  otherworldliness, and generosity—giving away his possessions to those  who had lost theirs and caring for the multitudes who were afflicted by a  terrible plague which visited the land in those days.
RTE: With such a rich heritage,  what allowed the Welsh and Scots to make such a radical change from  traditional Catholicism and a Reformation-imposed Anglicanism, to  Calvinism?
When the Methodist Revival broke out in  the U.K. and spread to Wales, John Wesley and Whitfield, his colleague,  came to an agreement that Wesley would have England as missionary  territory and Whitfield would take Wales. Methodism spread in Wales  through the efforts of great “revivalists” like Howell Harris, Daniel  Rowlands, and especially the magnificent hymnographer, William Williams  of Pantycelyn, whose hymns are, by any measure, classics comparable to  the great hymnographers of any Christian tradition, East or West. Thus,  the people of Wales were offered a vibrant and rich religious life, in  their own language.
Methodism became a popular  movement—unlike the highly Anglicized Anglican Church in Wales which was  essentially the Church of the landowners and to which the ordinary  Welsh people may never have been very attached since the Reformation.  The ordinary, poor Welsh people now had a form of Christianity of their  own which flourished and produced some good fruit.
However, Whitfield was a Calvinist and  so the form of Methodism that spread in Wales was Calvinistic  Methodisim. When a Welsh person speaks of Methodism, he or she generally  means this Calvinistic variety also known as the Presbyterian Church of  Wales (the title they prefer these days). Methodism in England followed  Wesley’s theology which was based on the teaching of Jacobus  Arminius,which emphasizes free will as opposed to Calvin’s  predestination.
Later on, Wesleyan Methodism also came  to Wales, but it was a minority denomination here and strong only in  certain specific areas. However, the Calvinists maintain (and I have  heard this point being made by a Calvinist minister in my house a few  years ago) that the ‘Wesleyans’ have no right to be in Wales owing to  the agreement between Whitfield and Wesley.
I must say that the ethos of each of the  two forms of Methodism was very different. They had very different  cultures from each other. There was even a ditty about the Calvinists:  ‘Nasty, cruel Methodists (i.e. Calvinists) who go to chapel without any  grace….’
RTE: Have the Catholic and Anglican Churches returned in any force since?
Fr. Deiniol: The Roman Catholic Church,  which was illegal for hundreds of years, only returned in the 19th  century, although a few “recusant” families who could afford to pay the  fines, remained Catholic. Accordingly, most Roman Catholics in Wales are  not Welsh, but are usually partly of Polish or Irish extraction. There  are some Welsh Roman Catholics but they aren’t numerous.
After the rise of Protestant Calvinism,  the Anglican Church became a minority church compared to the  Non-conformist denominations such as Baptists, Congregationalists, and  Calvinists. only a small proportion of Welsh-speaking or culturally  Welsh people belonged to it. This may still be true to some degree. It  was only in the 20th century that the Anglican Church in Wales gained  its independence from Canterbury and became disestablished.
So, we can say that this is a good time  for Orthodoxy as a continuation of the Undivided Church, to be in Wales.  None of the other churches dominate Welsh religious and cultural life,  and people are not so sectarian in their mentality—it doesn’t mean as  much to them now that they are Baptists or Calvinists. There is a very  friendly atmosphere. Also, the prejudices against saints and their  veneration (customs such as praying at shrines and holy wells, which  reflect the sacramental understanding of life) are now more acceptable.  At least we aren’t in the position of confrontation, and that is  helpful.
RTE: Are people becoming more interested as they see your attempts to recover their heritage?
Fr. Deiniol: No, I don’t think so. The  awareness of the saints is too lost. They are mostly remembered in  place-names—for example, a majority of places in Wales begin with the  prefix “Llan.” This can mean the church building, but it also means a  Christian settlement, usually founded by a Christian saint. In many  cases we are talking about the period of the Anglo-Saxon invasion, when  the original Celtic-speaking British peoples began moving west. A saint  might land on a coastal area, as did St. David, the patron saint of  Wales, who went to a place called Vallis Rosina, “Valley of the Roses,”  to live as a monk. The pagan tribes are at first hostile to him but  eventually people are attracted by the holiness of his life and become  Christian; a community forms, and around the community, a village. This  is almost identical to what St. Sergei of Radonezh did in Russia,  founding new hermitages and monasteries as he moved deeper into the  forest.
These new communities that came into  being because people were attracted by the saint who lived there, are  called Llan, and very often in Welsh place-names, the name that follows  Llan is the name of a saint: Llandanwg—the Christian settlement and  Church of St. Tanwg, or Llandudno—the Church of St. Tudno.
What is this country that we now call  Wales? It is the sum total of the Llans, these places created by saints,  communities that didn’t exist before they came. As we travel these  roads we go through one Llan after another, and each one is a saint’s  name. This is why I use the expression, “Wales is a nation created by  saints.”
But, even with such a rich history, we  need more to awaken us than an understanding of place names. The young  people in Russia, for example, still have a link with their spiritual  past after the collapse of Soviet atheism—their grandmothers were still  Orthodox Christians—but what we’ve had here was a much longer break. of  course, after the Great Schism, I’m sure that very little changed, and  much in Roman Catholic practice would have been indistinguishable from  Orthodoxy for a very long time afterwards.
Even that break, however, goes back a  thousand years, and the Reformation, which was largely destructive of  tradition, goes back 400 years.
When we acquired our church, the  Metropolitan suggested that we dedicate it to “All the Saints of Wales.”  The idea is that when the church is finished with icons and frescoes, a  person from any part of Wales will be able to come here and find his  saint. This is part of our task, recreating this link with history, and  this is done by things like the service to mark the opening of the Welsh  Assembly, and the opportunity to give talks and welcome visitors to the  church. our mission exists on various levels and different fronts.
RTE: And the interest will not  only be local. We come across many interesting accounts of the strong  appeal that the Celtic culture has, especially for young people, in many  parts of the world.
Fr. Deiniol: of course, wonderful things  have survived, such as The Book of Kells and the Lindisfarne Gospels.  The art and imagery are amazing. The Christian Celts had developed a  profound and deeply Christian culture. It’s not surprising that this  should be of interest to people in other countries.
Orthodox youth in former Soviet  countries or the emigration often think of their ancestral churches as  something rather ethnic or old-fashioned. other things appear more  interesting to them. But it’s a little bit like the Trojan Horse isn’t  it? If they become interested in Celtic history and culture, they will  soon find that inside, at the very core, is their own Christian faith.
The question for us is how we can  encourage our own young people to be remotely interested in anything  Christian whatsoever. As an old colleague of mine, Archimandrite  Barnabas—the first Welsh Orthodox priest—used to say, the cultural  legacy of Calvinistic teaching seems to have provided an immunization  against all religious search and questions.
RTE: May God give the blessing.
From: Road to Emmaus, Winter 2009, No. 36.
Click:
  The Spirituality of the Celtic Church
Orthodoxy In An English Village
The “Orthodox Option” For Anglicans
OUR TALENT OF FREEDOM & SOME PITFALLS
Ancient Faith Radio Orthodoxy In An English Village
The “Orthodox Option” For Anglicans
OUR TALENT OF FREEDOM & SOME PITFALLS
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